The former US second-in-command Dick Cheney, who died at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most significant holders of that office in US history. Whereas countless second-in-commands had to settle for minor or symbolic roles, Cheney held enormous sway during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "true president".
Bush objected to this portrayal and said the relationship was more nuanced. He observed that Cheney was courteous, always referring to him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush questioned even descriptions of their partnership as a collaboration because it implied that they were equals. Despite these objections, Cheney considered the easygoing president malleable on a whole raft of policy decisions.
A Post-9/11 Era
At the head of a faction of neo-conservatives that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the military intervention of Iraq in 2003 in answer to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been taking part in a session at a school in Florida. While Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unidentified aircraft heading toward the government building.
Cheney stated the assaults changed him, making him become focused on retribution. Along with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a invasion of Afghanistan in an endeavor to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein being involved.
Debated Decisions
He showed no remorse about the military campaign, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis lost their lives, or about the harsh treatment of detainees captured after 9/11. He told CNN in 2015 that the Iraq military action, which was predicated on misleading information echoed by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It was the correct action to do back then. I had faith at the time and I believe it today."
However during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I witnessed, at a minimum," he wrote later "true dereliction, carelessness, and unaccountability: in the worst case, deception, unfitness, and dishonesty."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not solely accountable for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had advocated for similar measures. He had composed a memorandum detailing situations in which American interests might be compromised (including "availability of essential resources, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the United States should be positioned to act independently when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly citing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on carrying out what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the White House, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the initial gathering of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had stated his plan of reducing America's involvement in the Middle East dispute and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush held a individual resentment against Saddam, thinking he had been involved in a conspiracy to murder his predecessor, President George HW Bush, on a journey to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a likeness of his father's countenance that all visitors had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was among the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, consistently quoting intelligence reports that were whether thin or completely deceptive. He backed what the Bush administration politely called as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and physical pressure.
Responding to a Senate document in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had been obtained through the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "full of crap". He told Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to establish protocols and create procedures to catch the perpetrators who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it never happened again. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of credit."
Public Image
Cheney enjoyed labels imposed on him by detractors such as the Star Wars villain and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power manipulating Bush. In Peter Baker's 2013 book about the pair, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the corner that nobody ever sees come out of his lair? That is a advantageous way to operate, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Dispute over his business interests pursued him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had minimal expertise in commerce but good contacts in security, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chairman and CEO.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was awarded US agreements valued at billions.
It made him rich. His yearly earnings during his time at the company grew from his $258,394 when he was defence secretary to $4.4m. When he left in 2000 he had a compensation package totaling more than $20m|twenty
